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take large amounts of Communist-bloc arms, load them on a Vietnamese boat, fake a
battle In which the boat would be sunk in shallow water, then call in Western reporters
to see the captured weapons as proof of outside aid to the Vietcong. This is precisely
what occurred in 1965. The State Department's white paper, "Aggression From the

North", which came out at the end of February 1965, relates that a "suspicious vessel"
was "sunk in shallow water" off the coast of South Vietnam on 16 February 1965 after
an attack by South Vietnamese forces. The boat was reported to contain at least 100 tons
of military supplies "almost all of communist origin, largely from Communist China
and Czechoslovakia as well as North Vietnam", The white paper noted that
"Representatives of the free press visited the sunken North Vietnamese ship and viewed
its cargo."
Liechty said that he had also seen documents involving an elaborate operation to
print large numbers of postage stamps showing a Vietnamese shooting down a US
Army helicopter. The former CIA officer stated that this was a highly professional job
and that the very professionalism required to produce the multicolor stamps was meant
to indicate that they were produced by the North Vietnamese because the Vietcong
would not have had the capabilities. Liechty claimed that letters in Vietnamese were
then written and mailed all over the world with the stamp on them "and the CIA made
sure journalists would get hold of them". Life magazine, in its issue of 26 February
1965, did in fact feature a full color blow-up of the stamp on its cover, referring to it as
a "North Vietnam stamp". This was just two days before the State Department's white
paper appeared.
In reporting Liechty's statements, the Washington Post noted:

Publication of the white paper turned out to be a key event in documenting the
support of North Vietnam and other communist countries in the fighting in the
South and in preparing American public opinion for what was to follow very
soon: the large-scale commitment of U.S. forces to the fighting.42

Perhaps the most significant fabrication was that of the alleged attack in August
1964 on two US destroyers in the Tonkin Gulf off the coast of North Vietnam. President
Johnson used the incident to induce a resolution from Congress to take "all necessary
steps, including the use of armed forces" to prevent further North Vietnamese
aggression. It was a blanket endorsement for escalation heaped upon escalation. Serious
enough doubts were raised at the time about the reality of the attack, but over the years
other information has come to light which has left the official story in tatters.43
And probably the silliest fabrication: the 1966 US Army training film, "County
Fair", in which the sinister Vietcong are shown in a jungle clearing heating gasoline and
soap bars, concocting a vicious communist invention called napalm.44

The Johnson administration's method of minimizing public concern about
escalation of the war, as seen by a psychiatrist:

First step: Highly alarming rumors about escalation are "leaked".
Second step: The President officially and dramatically sets the anxieties to rest by
announcing a much more moderate rate of escalation, and accompanies this
announcement with assurances of the Government's peaceful intentions.
Third step: After the general sigh of relief, the originally rumored escalation is
gradually put into effect.
The succession of "leaks", denials of leaks, and denials of denials thoroughly
confuses the individual. He is left bewildered, helpless, apathetic.
The end result is that the people find themselves deeply committed to large-scale
war, without being able to tell how it came about, when and how it all began.45

Senator Stephen Young of Ohio was reported to have said that while he was in
Vietnam he was told by the CIA that the Agency disguised people as Vietcong to
commit atrocities, including murder and rape, so as to discredit the Communists. After

the report caused a flurry in Washington, Young said that he had been misquoted, that
the CIA was not the source of the story. Congressman Cornelius Gallagher, who had
accompanied Young on the trip, suggested that it "may well be that he [Young] spoke to
a Vietcong disguised as a CIA man".46

From a speech by Carl Oglesby, President of Students for a Democratic Society
(SDS), during the March on Washington, 27 November 1965:

The original commitment in Vietnam was made by President Truman, a
mainstream liberal. It was seconded by President Eisenhower, a moderate liberal.
It was intensified by the late President Kennedy, a flaming liberal. Think of the
men who now engineer that war”those who study the maps, give the commands,
push the buttons, and tally the dead: Bundy, McNamara, Rusk, Lodge, Goldberg,
the President [Johnson] himself. They are not moral monsters. They are all
honorable men. They are all liberals.47

The International Communist Conspiracy in action:
During the heat of the fighting in 1966-67, the Soviet Union sold to the United
States over $2 million worth of magnesium”a metal vital in military aircraft
production”when there was a shortage of it in the United States. This occurred at a
time when Washington maintained an embargo on supplying Communist nations with
certain alloys of the same metal.48 At about the same time, China sold several thousand
tons of steel to the United States in South Vietnam for use in the construction of new
Air and Army bases when no one else could meet the American military's urgent need:
this, while Washington maintained a boycott on all Chinese products; even wigs
imported into the US from Hong Kong had to be accompanied by a certificate of origin
stating that they contained no Chinese hair. The sale of steel may have been only the tip
of the iceberg of Chinese sales to the United States during the war.49
In a visit to China in January 1972, White House envoy Alexander Haig met
with Premier Chou En-lai. Years later, Haig wrote: "Though he never stated the case in
so many words, I reported to President Nixon that the import of what Zhou [Chou] said
to me was: don't lose in Vietnam; don't withdraw from Southeast Asia."50

In 1975, a Senate investigating committee began looking into allegations that the
CIA had counterfeited American money during the Vietnam war to finance secret

"Two Vietcong prisoners were interrogated on an airplane flying toward Saigon.
The first refused to answer questions and was thrown out of the airplane at 3,000 feet.
The second immediately answered all the questions. But he, too, was thrown out."
Variations of the water torture were also used to loosen tongues or simply to torment.
"Other techniques, usually designed to force onlooking prisoners to talk, involve cutting
off the fingers, ears, fingernails or sexual organs of another prisoner."52
It is not clear whether these particular Vietnamese were actual prisoners of war,
i.e., captured in combat, or whether they were amongst the many thousands of civilians
arrested as part of the infamous Phoenix Program. Phoenix was the inevitable
consequence of fighting a native population: You never knew who was friend, who was
enemy. Anyone was a potential informer, bomb-thrower, or assassin. Safety demanded

that, unless proved otherwise, everyone was to be regarded as the enemy, part of what
the CIA called the Vietcong infrastructure (VCI).
In 1971, CIA officer William Colby, the director of Phoenix, was asked by a
congressman: "Are you certain that we know a member of the VCI from a loyal member
of the South Vietnam citizenry?"
"No, Mr. Congressman," replied Colby, "I am not."53
Phoenix was a coordinated effort of the United States and South Vietnam to
wipe out this infrastructure. Under the program, Vietnamese citizens were rounded up
and jailed, often in tiger cages, often tortured, often killed, either in the process of being
arrested or subsequently. By Colby's records, during the period between early 1968 and
May 1971, 20,587 alleged Vietcong cadres met their death as a result of the Phoenix
Program.54 A similar program, under different names, had existed since 1965 and been
run by the United States alone.55
Colby claims that more than 85 percent of the 20,587 figure were actually killed
in military combat and only identified afterward as members of the VCI.56 It strains
credulity, however, to think that the tens of thousands of Vietcong killed in combat
during this period were picked over, body by body, on the battlefield, for identification
and that their connection to the VCI was established.
The South Vietnam government credited Phoenix with 40,994 VCI deaths.57 The
true figure will probably never be known.
A former US military-intelligence officer in Vietnam, K. Barton Osborn,
testified before a House Committee that suspects caught by Phoenix were interrogated
in helicopters and sometimes pushed out. He also spoke of the use of electric shock
torture and the insertion into the ear of a six-inch dowel which was tapped through the
brain until the victim died.58 Osborn's colleague, Michael J. Uhl, testified that most
suspects were captured during sweeping tactical raids and that all persons detained were
classified as Vietcong. None of those held for questioning, said Osborn, had ever lived
through the process.59

Arthur Sylvester, Assistant Secretary of Defense for Public Affairs, was the man
most responsible for ''giving, controlling and managing the war news from Vietnam".
One day in July 1965, Sylvester told American journalists that they had a patriotic duty
to disseminate only information that made the United States look good. When one of the
newsmen exclaimed: "Surely, Arthur, you don't expect the American press to be
handmaidens of government," Sylvester replied, "That's exactly what I expect," adding:
"Look, if you think any American official is going to tell you the truth, then you're
stupid. Did you hear that?” stupid." And when a correspondent for a New York paper
began a question, he was interrupted by Sylvester who said: "Aw, come on. What does
someone in New York care about the war in Vietnam?"60

Meanwhile, hundreds of US servicemen in Asia and Europe were being
swindled by phoney American auto dealers who turned up to take down-payments on
cars which they never delivered. Commented an Illinois congressman: "We cannot
expect our servicemen to fight to protect the free enterprise system if the very system
which they fight to protect takes advantage of them."61

On 27 January 1973, in Paris, the United States signed the "Agreement on
Ending the War and Restoring Peace in Vietnam". Among the principles to which the
United States agreed was the one stated in Article 21: "In pursuance of its traditional
policy, the United States will contribute to healing the wounds of war and to postwar

reconstruction of the Democratic Republic of Vietnam [North Vietnam] and throughout
Five days later, 1 February, President Nixon sent a message to the Prime
Minister of North Vietnam reiterating and expanding upon this pledge. The first two
principles put forth in the President's message were:

(1) The Government of the United States of America will contribute to postwar
reconstruction in North Vietnam without any political conditions. (2) Preliminary
United Stares studies indicate that the appropriate programs for the United States
contribution to postwar reconstruction will fall in [he range of $3.2.5 billion of
grant aid over 5 years. Other forms of aid will be agreed upon between the two
parties- This estimate is subject to revision and to detailed discussion between the
Government of the United States and the Government of the Democratic Republic
of Vietnam.62

For the next two decades, the only aid given to any Vietnamese people by the
United States was to those who left Vietnam and those who were infiltrated back in to
stir up trouble. At the same time, the US imposed a complete embargo on trade and
assistance to the country, which lasted until 1994.

Are the victims of the Vietnam War also to be found in generations yet unborn?
Tens of millions of gallons of herbicides were unleashed over the country; included in
this were quantities of dioxin, which has been called the most toxic man-made
substance known; three ounces of dioxin, it is claimed, in the New York City water
supply could wipe out the entire populace. Studies in Vietnam since the war have
pointed to abnormally high rates of cancers, particularly of the liver, chromosomal
damage, birth defects, long-lasting neurological disorders, etc. in the heavily-sprayed
areas. Other victims were Americans. Thousands of Vietnam veterans fought for years
to receive disability compensation, claiming irreparable damage from simply handling
the toxic herbicides.

After the Second World War, the International Military Tribunal convened at
Nuremberg, Germany. Created by the victorious Allies, the Tribunal sentenced to prison
or execution numerous Nazis who pleaded that they had been "only following orders".
In an opinion handed down by the Tribunal, it declared that "the very essence of the
[Tribunal's] Charter is that individuals have international duties which transcend the
national obligations of obedience imposed by the individual state."
During the Vietnam war, a number of young Americans refused military service
on the grounds that the United States was committing war crimes in Vietnam and that if
they took part in the war they too, under the principles laid down at Nuremberg, would
be guilty of war crimes.
One of the most prominent of these cases was that of David Mitchell of
Connecticut. At Mitchell's trial in September 1965, Judge William Timbers dismissed
his defense as "tommyrot" and "degenerate subversion", and found the Nuremberg
principles to be "irrelevant" to the case. Mitchell was sentenced to prison. Conservative
columnist William F. Buckley, Jr., not celebrated as a champion of draft resistance,
noted shortly afterward:

I am glad 1 didn't have Judge Timbers' job. Oh, I could have scolded Mr. Mitchell
along with the best of them. But I'd have to cough and wheeze and clear my throat
during that passage in my catechism at which I explained to Mr. Mitchell wherein
the Nuremberg Doctrine was obviously not at his disposal.63

In 1971, Telford Taylor, the chief United States prosecutor at Nuremberg,
suggested rather strongly that General William Westmoreland and high officials of the
Johnson administration such as Robert McNamara and Dean Rusk could be found guilty
of war crimes under criteria established at Nuremberg.64 Yet every American court and
judge, when confronted by the Nuremberg defense, dismissed it without according it
any serious consideration whatsoever.

The West has never been allowed to forget the Nazi holocaust. For 55 years
there has been a continuous outpouring of histories, memoirs, novels, feature films,
documentaries, television series ... played and replayed in every Western language;
there have been museums, memorial sculptures, photo exhibitions, remembrance
ceremonies ... Never Again! But who hears the voice of the Vietnamese peasant? Who
has access to the writings of the Vietnamese intellectual? What was the fate of the
Vietnamese Anne Frank? Where, asks the young American, is Vietnam?

20. Cambodia 1955-1973
Prince Sihanouk walks the high-wire of neutralism
John Foster Dulles had called on me in his capacity as Secretary of State, and he
had exhausted every argument to persuade me to place Cambodia under the
protection of the South-East Asia Treaty Organization. I refused ... I considered
SEATO an aggressive military alliance directed against neighbors whose ideology
I did not share but with whom Cambodia had no quarrel. I had made all this quite
clear to John Foster, an acidy, arrogant man, but his brother [CIA Director Allen
Dulles] soon turned up with a briefcase full of documents "proving" that
Cambodia was about to fall victim to "communist aggression" and that the only
way to save the country, the monarchy and myself was to accept the protection of
SEATO. The "proofs" did not coincide with my own information, and I replied to
Allen Dulles as I had replied to John Foster: Cambodia wanted no part of
SEATO. We would look after ourselves as neutrals and Buddhists. There was
nothing for the secret service chief to do but pack up his dubious documents and
Prince Norodom Sihanouk, in his memoirs1

The visits of the Brothers Dulles in 1955 appear to have been the opening salvos
in a campaign of extraordinary measures aimed at pressuring the charismatic
Cambodian leader into aligning his nation with the West and joining The Holy War
Against Communism. The coercion continued intermittently until 1970 when Sihanouk
was finally overthrown in an American-backed coup and the United States invaded
In March 1956, after Sihanouk had visited Peking and criticized SEATO, the
two countries which sandwich Cambodia”Thailand and South Vietnam, both heavily


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