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Rogue State
A Guide to the
World's Only Superpower

William Blum

Zed Books - London
Spearhead - South Africa
Rogue State: A Guide to the World's Only Superpower was first published in the United
Kingdom by Zed Books Ltd, 7 Cynthia Street, London Nl 9JF, UK.

First published in the United States by Common Courage Press, Box 702, Monroe, ME
04951 in 2000.

New updated edition, 2002

This edition published in South Africa by Spearhead, a division of New Africa Books,
PO Box 23408, Claremont 7735.

Copyright © William Blum, 2001, 2002
Cover design by Andrew Corbett, Cambridge

Printed and bound in the United Kingdom by Cox and Wyman, Reading

The right of the author of this book has been asserted by him in accordance with the
Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988.

A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library.

ISBN 1 84277 220 1 hb
ISBN 184277 221 X pb

In South Africa
ISBN 0 86486 543 0 Pb
"Critics will call this a one-sided book. But it is an invaluable correc-tive to the
establishment portrait of America as 'the world's greatest force for peace.' Even
confirmed opponents of U.S. interventionism can find much in this important book that
will both educate and shock them."

” Peter Dale Scott, former professor at U.C. Berkeley, poet,
and author of Deep Politics and The Death of JFK

"Whatever we think we know about U.S. foreign policy, Rogue State makes it clear that
we don't know nearly enough. This book's grisly content may seem to require a strong
stomach, but reading its words is nothing compared to what has been done”and keeps
being done”with our tax dollars and in our names. Whether we read Rogue State as a
historical narrative or use it as a reference book, William Blum has put together a
horrifying and infuriating piece of work. The footnoted information between these covers
is enough to make any awake reader want to scream with rage. This is a truly subversive
book because it demolishes the foundations of basic illusions about the United States of
America as a world power."

” Norman Solomon, author of The Habits of Highly Deceptive
Media and winner of the George Orwell Award
Never before in modem history has a country dominated the earth so totally as the
United States does today...America is now the Schwarzenegger of international politics:
showing off muscles, obtrusive, intimidating...The Americans, in the absence of limits
put to them by anybody or anything, act as if they own a kind of blank check in their

Der Spiegel, Germany's leading news magazine, 1997 1

The United States is good.
We try to do our best everywhere.

Madeleine Albright, 1999 2

A world once divided into two armed camps now recognizes one sole and preeminent
power, the United States of America. And they regard this with no dread. For the world
trusts us with power, and the world is right. They trust us to be fair, and restrained. They
trust us to be on the side of decency. They trust us to do what's right.

George Bush, 1992 3

How can they have the arrogance to dictate to us where we should go or which countries
should be our friends? Gadhafi is my friend. He supported us when we were alone and
when those who tried to prevent my visit here today were our enemies. They have no
morals. We cannot accept that a state assumes the role of the world's policeman.

Nelson Mandela, 1997 4

When I came into office, I was determined that our country would go into the 21st
century still the world's greatest farce for peace and freedom, for democracy and security
and prosperity.

Bill Clinton, 1996 5

Throughout the world, on any given day, a man, woman or child is likely to be displaced,
tortured, kitted or "disappeared", at the hands of governments or armed political groups.
More often than not, the United States shares the blame.

Amnesty International, 1996 6
Author's Foreword: Concerning September 11, 2001 viii
Introduction 1

Ours and Theirs: Washington's Love/Hate Relationship with Terrorists and
Human-Rights Violators
1. Why Do Terrorists Keep Picking on the United States? 29
2. America's Gift to the World”the Afghan Terrorist Alumni 33
3. Assassinations 38
4. Excerpts from US Army and CIA Training Manuals 43
5. Torture 49
6. The Unsavories 58
7. Training New Unsavories 61
8. War Criminals: Theirs and Ours 68
9. Haven for Terrorists 79
10. Supporting Pol Pot 87

United States Use of Weapons of Mass Destruction
11. Bombings 92
12. Depleted Uranium 96
13. Cluster Bombs 100
14. United States Use of Chemical and Biological Weapons Abroad 103
15. United States Use of Chemical and Biological Weapons at Home 113
16. Encouragement of the Use of CBW by Other Nations 120

A Rogue State versus the World
17. A Concise History of United States Global Interventions, 1945 to the Present 125
18. Perverting Elections 168
19. Trojan Horse: The National Endowment for Democracy 179
20. The US versus the World at the United Nations 184
21. Eavesdropping on the Planet 200
22. Kidnapping and Looting 210
23. How the CIA Sent Nelson Mandela to Prison for 28 Years 215
24. The CIA and Drugs: Just Say "Why Not?" 218
25. Being the World's Only Superpower Means Never Having to Say You're Sorry 227
26. The United States Invades, Bombs and Kills for It...but Do Americans Really Believe
in Free Enterprise? 236
27. A Day in the Life of a Free Country 243

Notes 274
Index 305

About the Author 310
Author's Foreword: Concerning September 11, 2001 and the Bombing
of Afghanistan
Shortly after the publication of this book, the momentous events of September 11, 2001
occurred. Four planes were hijacked in the United States and terrorists proceeded to carry
out the most devastating attack on American soil in the history of the country. The
physical destruction and personal suffering caused by the attacks was immense. In
addition to punishing the perpetrators who were still alive, the most pressing mission
facing the United States was”or should have been”to not allow what happened to pass
without deriving important lessons from it to prevent its recurrence. Clearly, the most
meaningful of these lessons was the answer to the question "Why?"

It happens that the first chapter in this book is entitled "Why Do Terrorists Keep Picking
on the United States?". It argues that terrorists”whatever else they might be”might also
be rational human beings, which is to say that in their own minds they have a rational
justification for their actions. Most terrorists are people deeply concerned by what they
see as social, political, or religious injustice and hypocrisy, and the immediate grounds
for their terrorism is often retaliation for an action of the United States.

The chapter contains a lengthy list of such US actions in the Middle East, which have
taken many lives, from the bombing of Lebanon and Libya to the sinking of an Iranian
ship; from the shooting down of an Iranian passenger plane and the unending bombing of
the Iraqi people to the support of despotic Middle Eastern regimes and the massive
military aid to Israel despite the devastation and routine torture that the country inflicts
upon the Palestinian people.

As retribution for decades of military, economic and political oppression imposed upon
the Middle East and the mainly Muslim population who live there by the American
Empire, the buildings targeted by the terrorists were not chosen at random. The Pentagon
and World Trade Center represented the military and economic might of the United
States, while the plane that crashed in Pennsylvania may well have been on its way to the
political wing, the White House.

Perspective can be everything. If what the hijackers did is inexcusable, it is by no means

It's not just people in the Middle East who have good reason for hating what the US
government does. The United States has created huge numbers of potential terrorists all
over Latin America during a half-century of American actions far worse than those
perpetrated in the Middle East. If Latin Americans shared the belief of many Muslims
that they will go directly to paradise for martyring themselves by killing the Great Satan,
by now we might have had decades of repeated terrorist horror coming from south of the
US-Mexican border. As it is, over the years the region has produced numerous attacks on
American embassies, diplomats, US Information Agency offices, and the like.

There are also the people of Asia and Africa. Much the same thing applies.
The magnitude of the September 11 attack was such that the American media”the
serious or passably serious segments”were obliged to delve into areas they normally do
not visit. A number of mainstream newspapers, magazines and radio stations, in their
quest to understand "Why?", suddenly”or so it seemed”discovered that the United
States had been engaged in actions like the ones listed above and countless other
interventions in foreign lands over the decades that could indeed produce a great degree
of anti-American feeling.

This was one positive outcome of the tragedy. This "revelation", however, appeared to
escape the mass of the American people, the great majority of whom get their snatches of
foreign news from tabloid newspapers, lowest-common-denominator radio programs, and
laughably superficial TV newscasts.

Thus it was that instead of an outpouring of reflection upon what the United States does
to the world to make it so hated, there was an outpouring of patriotism of the narrowest
kind: Congress members stood on the steps of the Capitol and sang "God Bless
America", stores quickly sold out their stocks of American flags, which fluttered high and
low in whatever direction one looked, callers to radio shows spat out venom and
bloodlust, at entertainment and sporting events it became de rigueur to begin with a
military and/or patriotic ceremony, one could scarcely pick up a newspaper or turn on the
radio or TV without some tribute to American courage, and everyone and his cousin were
made into "heroes". This phenomenon continued, hardly abated, into the year 2002.

And the serious American media soon returned to normal mode; i.e., one could regularly
find more significant and revealing informa-tion concerning US foreign policy in the
London papers, the Guardian and the Independent, than in the New York Times and
Washington Post.

Most Americans find it difficult in the extreme to accept the proposition that terrorist acts
against the United States can be viewed as revenge for Washington's policies abroad.
They believe that the US is targeted because of its freedom, its democracy, its wealth.
The Bush administration, like its predecessors following other terrorist acts, has pushed
this as the official line ever since the attacks. The American Council of Trustees and
Alumni, a conservative watchdog group founded by Lynne Cheney, wife of the vice-
president, and Senator Joseph Lieberman, announced in November the formation of the
Defense of Civilization Fund, declaring that "It was not only America that was attacked
on September 11, but civilization. We were attacked not for our vices, but for our

But government officials know better. A Department of Defense study in 1997 concluded
that: "Historical data show a strong correla-tion between US involvement in international
situations and an increase in terrorist attacks against the United States,"2

Former president Jimmy Carter, some years after he left the White House, was
unambiguous in his agreement with this:
We sent Marines into Lebanon and you only have to go to Lebanon, to Syria or to Jordan
to witness first-hand the intense hatred among many people for the United States because
we bombed and shelled and unmercifully killed totally innocent villagers”women and
children and farmers and housewives”in those villages around Beirut...As a result of
that...we became kind of a Satan in tbe minds of those who are deeply resentful. That is
what precipitated the taking of our hostages [in Iran] and that is wbat has precipitated
some of the terrorist attacks”which were totally unjustified and criminal.3

The terrorists responsible for the original bombing of the World Trade Center back in
1993 sent a letter to the New York Times which stated, in part: "We declare our
responsibility for the explosion on the mentioned building. This action was done in
response for the American political, economical, and military support to Israel the state of
terrorism and to the rest of the dictator countries in the region."4

Further evidence of government and media awareness of the connection between anti-US
terrorism and American policies is offered in chapter one of this book.

The perpetrators

For two and a half months following September 11 the most powerful nation in history
rained down a daily storm of missiles upon Afghanistan, one of the poorest and most
backward countries in the world. Eventually, this question pressed itself onto the world's
stage: Who killed more innocent, defenseless people? The terrorists in the United States
on September 11 with their flying bombs? Or the Americans in Afghanistan with their
AGM-86D cruise missiles, their AGM-130 missiles, their 15,000-pound "daisy cutter"
bombs, their depleted uranium and their cluster bombs?

By year's end, the count of the terrorists' victims in New York, Washington and
Pennsylvania stood at about 3,000. The total count of civilian dead in Afghanistan as a
result of American bombing was essentially ignored by US officials and just about
everyone else, but a painstaking compilation of numerous individual reports from the
American and international media and human rights organizations by an American
professor arrived at considerably more than 3,500 Afghan dead through early December,
and still counting.5

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