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Panama Canal”. Public release of the “Canton Song” Noriega pinpoint the source. Iran. His staff suggests that he may have taken a
report would have damaged Ford™s campaign. washroom break.
Bush has never commented publicly about that
When CBS anchorman Dan Rather questioned Bush
It seems that Noriega, who was on the DIA payroll at meeting or any dealings with Noriega while he headed the
the time, had discovered the surveillance. Instead of about his lame responses in their television confrontation
CIA. During that period, however, he had several
exposing the operation, he allowed it to continue, and in January 1988, Bush insisted that he had been “out of
opportunities to review those dealings. At about the same
purchased some of the tapes for his boss, Panamanian the loop” on Iran policy and contra funding. “Uh, may I
time that he had been briefed on the Army™s “Canton
strongman Omar Torrijos. The Chief of the National explain ˜out of the loop ˜?™ the Vice President added. “No
Song” investigation the previous April, Bush received the
Security Agency-who was in charge of international Justice Department™s intelligence on its narcotics operational role.”
electronic surveillance-Lew Allen, Jr., was intent on That was a curious thing to say, because high-level
investigation, known as the “DeFeo Report”, which
prosecuting the traitors, but Bush balked, saying he lacked officials are not expected to have day-to-day operational
documented the government™s unsuccessful efforts to
authority and insisted that this was an Army matter. involvement. But “out of the loop” in terms of knowledge
prosecute Noriega in 1971 and 1972.
The embarrassed Army decided to keep the scandal about the policy ? As Chief of the National Security
The report is still highly classified, but in it is
under wraps. Meanwhile, the CIA learned that Noriega Council™s Crisis Management Team since 1981, and as
described at least one of the nebulous plans to assassinate
had sold the sensitive intelligence-which may have Vice President, Bush was privy to the same information
Noriega and Torrijos. That plan was proposed by DEA
included wiretaps on Cuban and other leaders in the provided to the President.
agents Phillip Smith and William Durkin.
region-to the Cuban DGI (Castro™s intelligence service), With Bush™s record as background, though, his
The other assassination plan-which both the Reagan
which was also paying Noriega. Bush not only refused to explanation is understandable. Bush has been on the
and Bush Administrations have concealed from the
punish the officers or Noriega, he continued to pay scene of the nation™s biggest scandals, from the Bay of
American public-was put together by Green Beret Lt.
Noriega $110,000 a year. Pigs to the assassination of John Kennedy to Watergate to
Col. James “Bo” Gritz. As Commander of Special Forces
Iran-Contra, and he is one of the few .survivors. His
Bush realized, however, that paying Noriega didn™t in Panama from 1974-76, Lt. Col. Gritz assembled a team
necessarily mean that he was “bought”. New intelligence unique combination of engagement and ignorance helped
to “terminate with extreme prejudice” Noriega.
in the fall linked Noriega to three bombings of American him navigate treacherous waters throughout his career.
Among the reasons cited by Gritz to eliminate
property and civilians in the Canal Zone. Noriega later When the Democrats began taunting “Where was
Noriega were his role in cocaine smuggling, his
claimed he™d been ordered to stir things up by Torrijos, George?™ at their convention in July 1988, it was a signal
collaboration with Fidel Castro and numerous acts of
who was angry over the Ford Administration™s delays in that this strange record of uninvolved involvement,
sabotage against U.S. equipment and facilities in the Canal
treaty negotiations. including his relationship with the national security world,
Zone.
had become a campaign issue.
In his final month as Director, Bush confronted Noriega As Gritz has recounted in two books and two
about his role in the bombings and “Canton Song”, even For those who have worked closely with Bush, it seemed
documentary videos, General Harold R. Aaron, Deputy
though his efforts to “control the hemorrhaging” at the CIA a silly taunt. His colleagues in the intelligence community
Director of the Defense Intelligence Agency, met Gritz at
had failed to prevent Ford from losing to Carter. Neither Ford almost describe Bush as a straight-shooting supervisor-
Ft. Gulick in early 1976 to order him not to harm Noriega,
dedicated, honest and loyal. But even his stoutest supporters
nor Carter wanted any trouble during the transition, however, since he was regarded to have “immense value” to Bush.S
so Bush was constrained. admit, if pressed, that Bush is also deferential.
Bush had certainly been briefed about Noriega™s long-
During the Nixon and Ford Administrations, he delegated
In 1988, Bush denied that he had ever met Noriega. term relationship with the Agency, which had burst into
Later, he remembered the meeting but not any details. His virtually every aspect of major decision making to career
full bloom after he became head of G-2 (military
professionals. He also learned how to insulate himself from
three lunch guests, however, have better memories. One intelligence) in 1970. His CIA file described his help on
of them insisted that this was the third meeting between the fallout when disaster struck.
the release of a captured Panamanian ship captain from
A review of the voluminous investigative record of the
the two men.2 Cuba and his valuable intelligence on Torrijo™s visit to the
Iran-contra scandal demonstrates that there were only eight
On December 8, Bush arrived without an entourage island, as Bush eased into his office at Langley. Bush
individuals, of hundreds involved, who were actually “in the
for lunch at the elegant stone residence of Nicolas apparently had his own reasons for not taking Noriega to
loop” of detailed information about both the arms-for-hostages
Gonzalez Revilla, the Panamanian Ambassador in task over the bombings. According to Ambassador
deal with Iran and funding for the Nicaraguan Contras.
Washington. Noriega was waiting with the Ambassador Jordan, “Bush listened courteously, never said what he
One, William Casey of the CIA, is dead. Five of the
and Panamanian Foreign Minister Aquilino Boyd.3 The really thought and moved on to other matters. He was
others, Robert McFarlane, John Poindexter, Oliver North,
contrast between the two intelligence chiefs was striking; telling the Panamanians as subtly as he could, ˜Let™s drop
Richard &cord and Albert Hakirn, have pleaded guilty or been
the tall and refined New England-raised Brahmin towered, ˜this subject, as long as it does not happen again.“™
indicted for their involvement in the loop. One left office on
both literally and figuratively, over the five-foot, five-inch Whatever well-justified anxiety George Bush might
Noriega-a mean-streets mestizo-the bastard son of his have had about Noriega™s involvement in drugs, espionage January 20, 1989.
The last, George Bush, took office on that day.
father™s domestic. and terrorism, his only voiced concern was “Is Torrijos a
Acting as interpreter, Boyd sat next to Bush, across Communist?™ Boyd assured him that was not the case.
from Noriega, while Noriega stiffly repeated denials of FOOTNOTES:
A few days later, Boyd received a package from Bush
Panamanian involvement in the bombings. According to (sent by a special™messenger from CIA headquarters)
™ Miles Copeland interview, Bangkok Post, l/19/86
Noriega, U.S. Ambassador Jordan, who had conveyed the containing a photo of a smiling Bush, inscribed, “To
™ FOZA release: m
charges, refused to provide proof, making it difficult for Aquilino Boyd, With friendship and much respect, Militarv Intelligence &OUDInformation
him and Foreign Minister Boyd to answer the accusations. George.” Noriega received an even warmer message of Report, Jan. 5, 1977. The Army™s report on Noriega™s trip to
Bush remained laconic, saying only, “I™m listening. support from the Agency: He spent the rest of his visit to Washington referred to it as “unrevealed official business”.
I™m listening? Washington as the house guest of Vernon Walters, Bush™s The report also said he was traveling with ti close associate,
It became obvious that Noriega™s primary concern Deputy Director.6 Whitgreen. Carlos Whitgreen was later indicted in Miami for
was to identify the Agency™s source, when he asked Bush, Bush now claims that as Vice President he was kept amls traflicking.
“Did you get the information from General McAuliffe in the dark about such important Reagan Administration 3 Years before, at the urging of Noriega™s elder half-brother
(Commander-in-Chief of Southcom) or did you get it from initiatives as trading arms to Iran for hostages and illegally Luis C&OS, who worked as a clerk in the Foreign Ministry,
the agent the CIA has planted inside the National Guard?” funding the Nicaraguan Contras. He has claimed that he Boyd, the minister, had agreed to authenticate a falsified birth
Bush answered through Boyd, “We got the first learned details of the scandal from Senator David certificate for Manuel Antonio, permitting him to attend the
information from our man in the field.“” Bush knew that Durenberger in December 1986-one month after the rest military academy in Peru. Russell Bowen, who has lived and
Noriega was aware of the U.S. eavesdropping operations, of the country found out about it-in a televised press worked extensively in Peru since the late 19&s, recalls having
but was Noriega aware that Bush knew? Up to that point, conference held by then-Attorney General Edwin Meese. the young Panamanian cadet pointed out to him as an Agency
the CIA and Southcom had concealed their detection of How could he have missed the unfolding disaster? “I “asset” during this time period by the U.S. Ambassador.
4 John Dinges, Our Man in Panama (New York: Random
“Canton Song”; now Noriega was announcing he knew the was at the Army-Navy football game,” Bush says of one
Agency had penetrated the National Guard and was key meeting where the policy was discussed. He also has House, 1990), p.88
5 James ˜!Bo” Gritz, Called to Serve (Sandy Valley, Nev.:
implying he knew the agent™s identity. Bush was no recollection of a second meeting at which Secretary of
confirming the penetration and the Agency™s role, avoiding State George Shultz and Secretary of Defense Caspar Lazarus Publishing, 1991), p.181
mention of the 4701h™s, but he added nothing to help Weinberger argued vehemently against selling missiles to 6 Dinges, p-90
CONTACT: THE PHOENIX JOURNAL DECEMBER 13, 1999




The Immaculate Deception
TheBushCrime
FandyExposed
Chapter
Five
By Russell S. Bowen


Two years later, the U.S. Government charged
CHAPTER 5
Brenneke with making “false statements”. After it was
demonstrated that the prosecution™s star witness, Donald
AN ELECTION HELD HOSTAGE
Gregg, was lying when he claimed to have been at the
“Espionage in a political campaign is not a criminal Maryland seashore during October 19-21, 1980-rather
act. “-Ronald Reagan than in Paris, as Brenneke had charged-the jury acquitted
“Was I ever in Paris in I980? Definitively, definitely Brenneke on all five counts.
no. ” Stephen Pizzo, co-author of Inside Job: The Looting
of America™s Savings and Loans, found further
That™s how George Bush reacted on May 3, 1991,
when questioned whether [or not] he had attended an corroboration for Brenneke™s story when he discovered a
October 1980 meeting in Paris with Iranian officials to telex to an associate of Rupp™s, which links Bush to the
delay the release of the 52 American hostages held in Iran. Paris meeting and supports Pizzo™s contention of CIA
The 52 were released on the day Ronald Reagan was complicity in the growing S&L scandal. The telex was
inaugurated in January 1981. Ever since former Carter found amid the files of Bank of Aurora, sent from
National Security aide Gary Sick published an Op-Ed Worldwide Commerce Exchange in Geneva, Switzerland
piece in The New York Times in April 1991-that quoted to Rupp, dated January 24, 1985. The telex concerns the
three sources saying they saw Bush at a Paris meeting- purchase of Swiss francs, with payments to be made to an
Congressional investigators and journalists have been account held by Rupp in Switzerland-payments
trying to establish the President™s comings and goings for “addressed to your bank officer, Mr. Wachs”.
That name, Wachs, surfaced in 1988 when Doyle
the so-called “Lost Weekend” of October 18 through 20.
McManus™ of the Los Angeles Times™ Washington office,
In 1990, Richard Brenneke, a self-professed agent,
was tried in Portland, Oregon for perjury, after stating while preparing a story on the October Surprise, checked
under oath that he knew Reagan/Bush campaign officials the reservation log at the Raphael Hotel in Paris, where
had negotiated a secret deal with the Iranians to keep the the meeting with the Iranians is said to have taken place.
Americans hostage until after the 1980 election. McManus found a reservation for a “BUSH”, made on
Brenneke has also said he delivered arms to the September 28, 1980, together with a second for a
Ayatollah in the early 1980s. At Brenneke™s trial, two “WACHS”. What made this discovery so remarkable was
that the hotel™s management had told a reporter from Der
Secret Service agents testified that they could not
Spiegel who had checked m-late in 198˜that it had no
definitively, or even with a high degree of confidence, say
where Bush was on October 19, because they kept no records of the September-October 1980 period.
S&L-October Surprise links are corroborated by
paperwork on that day.
another person who Barbara Honegger, author of October
At the same trial, Donald Gregg, currently U.S.
Surprise, helped to arrange the 1980 meeting with lranian
Ambassador to South Korea and allegedly at the Paris
meeting, testified he had spent the whole weekend with his officials. Kenneth Qualls was the former lead pilot for
family at Bethany Beach, Delaware. As proof, Gregg Phoenix-based Amenican Continental Corp., formerly
provided photographs of himself and his family on a sunny headed by Charles Keating. After 1980, Qualls was the
beach. However, weather reports for that weekend-from manager of flight-crew operations for Tiger Air Charter,
the Indian River weather station, 10 miles from Bethany a CIA proprietary. He is also the personal pilot of former
Beach-say the sky was overcast throughout the lSth and President Gerald Ford and T. Grojean, President of Flying
Tiger Airlines.
19™hof October. Brenneke was acquitted.™
Quails has been linked to Heinrich Rupp by an
The charges had arisen as a result of Brenneke™s
internal message dated October 14, 1980, four days before
testimony in a federal court that George Bush was among
the alleged meeting in Paris. The memo mentions a flight
the U.S. emissaries cutting a deal in Paris in October 1980
plan prepared by Tiger Air and requested by Rupp.
with representatives of the Khomeini regime, to delay the
According to available records, Bush™s whereabouts
release of the American hostages until after the elections.
Brenneke testified in Denver Federal Court in 1988, while cannot be documented from Saturday evening, October 18,
appearing as a character witness at the sentencing of until the following night, when he appeared at the Zionist
Organization of America dinner in Washington, D.C. On
Heinrich Rupp, a former Luftwaffe pilot and gold dealer
convicted of bank fraud involving the Bank of Aurora in April 22, 1991, a reporter at Detroit™s WXUZ-TV asked
Vice-President Dan Quayle if he could provide
Aurora, Colorado. He claimed that Rupp was a CIA
contract agent who had worked with Air America in information about the 22 apparently unaccounted-for hours
in Bush™s schedule.
Southeast Asia, insisting that Rupp™s illicit banking
As a vice-presidential candidate, Bush was accorded
activities were sanctioned by the CIA, a charge the
Secret Service protection, so there normally would be an
Agency denies. As a result, Rupp™s sentence was reduced
official record. Quayle promised to fill in the blanks for
from forty years to two years.
CONTACT: THE PHOENIX JOURNAL
DECEMBER 13, 1999 Page 5

the viewer™s stations. The next day, according to Alan Heart University in Bridgeport. There, he told students, low-level intelligence operatives, people who work
Upchurch, Executive Producer of l4!XYZNews, the VP™s “Frankly, [the Reagan campaign has] been concerned undercover and who, for one reason or another, are now
office phoned to say that Bush had spent that Sunday at about [the possibility of an October Surprise].. . . But as dissatisfied with their lot and are prepared to talk abold
home, without a Secret Service escort, so there are no the election draws closer and closer, we don™t know what some of what they knew, perhaps with considerable
written records.? exaggeration. Finally,” Sick said. “I...passed a point
[Carter™s] going to do.”
In fact, four separate Secret Service accounts of While it might seem unlikely that Bush would take an where it was harder to explain away the people who were
Bush™s whereabouts during the missing 22 hours have overnight trip to Paris in the last two weeks of a supposedly all lying to me-for reasons that I couldn™t
been published. With no verifiable schedule for Bush™s understand-than it was to believe that something, in fact,
presidential campaign to make a treasonous arms-for-
Lost Weekend, the following chronology shows where happened.”
hostages deal with revolutionary Iranians, the risks to
Bush certainly was and supports speculation he might have Bush and Reagan, if discovered, would have been The hostages were seized in 1979 by Iranian radicals,
dashed away to a meeting in Paris. who wanted to disrupt relations between Iran™s
disastrous, but it certainly was technically possible. Bush
Saturday, October l&1980: Bush visited two New could have left either from Andrews Air Force Base or- revolutionary government, then still in the hands of
Jersey towns, Elizabeth and Westfield, before moving on Washington National Airport Saturday night and moderate reformers, and the United States. At first, the
to Philadelphia. After giving a speech at Widener completed the seven-hour flight, given the six-hour time nation rallied around Carter™s economic and diplomatic
measures to pressure Iran to free the Americans, but in
University in Chester, Pennsylvania, he left at 9 p.m. for difference, by 11 a.m. Sunday. To be back in
Washington, D.C. He was not seen again in public until Washington, D.C., by 6 p.m. local time (allowing for an April 1980, a secret military rescue mission failed.
seven the next evening. But the manager of the Howard The hostage-taking was exploited by the Reagan-Bush
8 %-hour flight and one hour to get ready for his 7 p.m.
campaign as an example of national humiliation and
Johnson Motel in Chester, where Bush rented a room dinner), Bush could have left France as late as 3:30 p.m.
weakness. But Reagan campaign officials told Frontline
Saturday, told the Portland Oregonian in 1988 that Bush Paris time, giving him a tight four-and-a-half hours in
they were afraid the Carter Administration would engineer
checked out at about 11 p.m. Stephen Hart, Bush™s which to meet at the Hotel Florida.
the release of the hostages before the election-an
spokesperson at the time, told the paper that Bush went to If true, the October Surprise could be a major scandal.
“October Surprise”, in the words of Bush-to deprive the
Philadelphia and caught a plane to Andrews Air Force Deliberate actions by private citizens to prevent the release
Republicans of their best campaign issues.
Base outside of Washington, D.C. From there he went of American hostages could lead to charges of treason and
Sick™s allegations center on William Casey, Chairman
directly to his home in the capital. Secret Service reports, kidnapping. There is also evidence that Reagan-Bush
of the Reagan campaign and for six years Director of
on the other hand, indicate that Bush flew to Washington campaign officials were informed illegally by insiders in
Central Intelligence in the Reagan-Bush Administration.
National Airport that night, arriving at 9:25-25 minutes the National Security Council and Senate Intelligence
Casey, who died in 1987, reportedly met with Iranian
Committee about the hostage negotiations. Former
after leaving Widener.
President Carter told Robert Morris of the Village Voice representatives in Madrid and Paris before the November
Sunday, October 19, 1980: Republican presidential
election.
campaign workers, asked in 1988 for an account of Bush™s that he believes Donald Gregg, then a national security
One important source for this is Jamshid Hashemi, an
aide and later National Security Adviser to Vice President
activities, said the candidate left Philadelphia and went to
Iranian arms dealer. Hashemi says he and his brother
the Chevy Chase Country Club in Maryland, where he Bush, was one of the officials who kept the Reagan-Bush
Cyrus organized two meetings in July 1980 between
spent the remainder of Saturday evening, Sunday morning campaign informed about the Administration™s moves to

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